THE SIMILARITIES BETWEEN IGBO AND FULANI BY DR AUSTIN ORETTE

The more things look different, the higher the chances of finding similarities if we look closely. Those at the opposite end of the spectrum are mirror images. If we move too quickly, we are subjected to the parallax effect where everything is moving except us. In this scenario, we are not the cause but the effect.
I have lived with Igbo and Fulani people. As a student of behavioral science, I don’t see any difference in these groups. They may hate and admire each other but they are having the mirror effect on each other.
The Fulani people are fatalistic while Igbo are nihilistic. A keen observer can predict these groups in any given situation. The level of narcissism between these groups is superlative. The Fulani trust no one outside their conclave.
In the last election, the South-East gave 99% of votes to Mr. Peter Obi. At what point does self-love become injurious to the group? This is the question we can answer if we are able to calibrate the interactions that might be injurious to people who are not members of the group.
Igbo and the Fulani may differ in temperament, but their world view is the same. Both groups want the same results, but their methods are different. The Fulani people use religious manipulation while the Igbo people use manipulated commerce. At the end of the day, the objective is the same. They want to be in charge. The Fulani will boast of their piety while the Igbo people will brag about their wealth. The Fulani man tells us he is closer to God so he should be the head while the Igbo people will tell us God has blessed them with so much wealth so he should be the leader.
It is the failure to understand this mirror effect that has made some promoters of Fulani and Igbo agenda to jump to conclusion with emotional fervor.
The Igbo and the Fulani people were in alliance in the First Republic. Due to the oversized egos of these ethnic groups, Nigeria suffered a mortal injury. They were in Alliance in the First Republic and that Republic fell apart because they could not control each other and they could not control their basic instincts.
From this ancient grudge are the seeds of the new mutiny. The first person that told Nigerians that God bequeathed Nigeria to Igbo people for proper stewardship was Dr Nnamdi Azikiwe. Ahmadu Bello heard the speech and rephrased it and made it abundantly clear that Nigeria was the estate of his grandfather. The alliance between Igbo and Fulani was a marriage of convenience. Ahmadu Bello saw it as an opportunity to keep Igbo close so that he could put a check on their behavior. Nnamdi Azikiwe saw it as an opportunity to plant the Igbo people in every federal position to fulfill the manifest destiny of Igbo as ordained by God.
As soon as the alliance was formed, things fell apart and the nation was no longer at ease. The friction within this alliance was so bad that Ahmadu Bello had to remind Zik that it is the Prime Minister who is the Commander in Chief of the Army, and he was the only one who can give directive to the Army. When the name of Aguyi Ironsi was submitted to be the next Chief of Army staff, Ahmadu Bello vetoed it three times. Tafawa Balewa made a personal trip to Kaduna to accede on behalf of Ironsi. Ahmadu Bello reluctantly agreed and told Balewa that he is surrounded by Igbo, and he fears he will not be able to extricate himself from Lagos. He told him that the Igbo people in the cabinet are conducting themselves as if they were the senior partners in the alliance.
His worries came to pass, and the rest is history. Our democracy was derailed, and war ensued. When Ojukwu declared secession, he sent a message to David Ejoor who was the Governor of the MidWest Region that he was going to invade the Midwest region. David Ejoor pleaded with him that the Midwest region was neutral in the quarrel between Igbo and Fulani. Ojukwu ignored his plea and invaded the Midwest Region. Ejoor barely escaped with his life. Ojukwu appointed Colonel Okonkwo as Governor, and the Mid-west region became hell on earth. It was murder, rape and forcible conscription of the youth into the Biafran Army. Banks were looted and public institutions were vandalized. Nothing was sacrosanct.
Why kill us if you ask us to be in the same country of Biafra with you. What would we be if Biafra had prevailed? We could have been prisoners of war. If the Fulani people did this to us, the Igbo people will call it a Jihad. Nigeria has had an uneasy peace since the end of the war. There were some ill feelings between the Igbo and the Fulani, but it was not this palpable.
During the Presidency of Goodluck Jonathan, the Igbo people were a majority in his cabinet. The Fulani people were on edge. There was no Biafran agitation. Then Buhari came in and there was a sudden effervescence of bitterness and animosity. Why? The Igbo like the Fulani people have become uneasy because Buhari‘s compass only pointed North. His family was his cabinet. Suddenly, Nigeria became a zoo because the Igbo man was no longer in charge.
You can now see clearly the mirror effect. When the Fulani ran the North, all the important positions were occupied by the Fulani. When Igbo ran the East, all the important positions were occupied by the Igbo. The minority in the North suffered and the minority in the East suffered. It was the oppression by the Igbo that drove Southern Cameroon out of Nigeria. The minority in the East is uncomfortable with the Igbo and the minority in the North is uncomfortable with the Fulani. You can now see the similarities clearly.
The Fulani don’t see themselves as Nigerians because they colonized the North and no local force has been able to force them out. The administrative system of the whole North was put in place by the Fulani.
What is happening in the North is akin to apartheid. In their shrewdness, they tell the Hausa people that they are superior because they are Muslims. Igbo people regale others with their prowess as the richest people God created, and the minorities of the East are very lazy. This propensity to be crude and vulgar is no different from the Fulani who calls someone infidel and want the person to submit to his authority. The Fulani people have a sword, and the Igbo people have a machete.
Promoters of the Igbo agenda take affront to this comparison because in their world view, they placed themselves higher than the Fulani because of education. Education and civilization are not synonymous. Education makes you haughty. Civilization gives you the ability to adapt. They took offense because of this observation. Their offense is not about the observation. They take offense because one ascribes everything negative to the Fulani, and they see this observation as pejorative. That is on them for failing to see the kaleidoscopic mirage that have blinded them to see how they can forge a relationship that is not based on animus.
In our present Nigeria, we have to find a way to work together without distrust. The Fulani man sees himself as a colonial master. This leads to arrogance and aloofness that is offensive to others. On the other hand, the Igbo are the only tribe in Nigeria that never had any form of monarchy in their history. This led to a culture of individualism that could be injurious to group cohesion. This is why someone who calls himself an Igbo king does not understand the lack of etiquette in forming a kingdom under another kingdom. In the past, that is considered an act of war because you have to conquer the kingdom before you can set up your Royal lineage. This lack of awareness can only be celebrated by those who trivialize the culture of others. This is similar to the Sultan of Sokoto in telling Nigerians that Islam trumps our culture. The more things look different, the more they look the same. Be observant. The two regions that are very restive in Nigeria today are the North and the East. They are ready to destroy the edifice if their group is not in charge. You can you see the similarities now. The umbrage in the response by a promoter of the agenda of the two groups will be the same if a Fulani had replied. You feel you are superior, and the Fulani man feels the same. This egotistic behavior blinds them from seeing the ripples of their actions. This lack of self-reflection is the reason Nigeria is in a vicious cycle today. The Fulani people want Nigeria to be Arewa while the Igbo people want Biafra. This syndrome of atomization is the cumulative resultant forces unleashed by these ethnic groups.
We will never resolve this state of our entropy as long as these groups think the only way forward is to subjugate each other and the rest of us. The Igbo and the Fulani people are very much alike. Both have nomadic instincts. The Fulani people want a mosque in every corner. The South-East people want a shop in every corner. They don’t care about what the landlord wants. In the rare occasions when the landlord dares to suggest his existence, the Fulani will call you an infidel while the Igbos will call you Igbo-phobia. These groups have insularity built into their cultures with culpable deniability. It is more glaring with the Fulani people. This insularity is what makes assimilation with them almost impossible.
The Fulani people are trying their best to give the Igbos the Cameroon option while the South-East people are looking for a way to give the Fulani the minority option. Both groups are not in favour of structural reforms. The shared vision of both groups is to be allowed to roam in Nigeria without the encumbrance of local leaders. The Igbos will have Eze-Igbo in every village, and the Fulani man will roam his cattle everywhere and build his mosque in every village. This will make the needs of the locals subservient to their incursion because they will be protected by the federal might which they control.
DR AUSTIN ORETTE WRITES FROM HOUSTON TEXAS
SERAP sues Akpabio ‘over failure to recall Ningi, refer N3.7trn budget padding to EFCC, ICPC’

Socio-Economic Rights and Accountability Project (SERAP) has filed a lawsuit against the Senate President, Mr Godswill Akpabio over “the failure to refer the alleged N3.7 trillion budget padding to appropriate anti-corruption agencies for investigation and prosecution, and to recall Senator Abdul Ningi who blew the whistle on the allegations.”
Mr Akpabio is sued for himself and on behalf of all members of Nigeria’s Senate.
It would be recalled that whistleblower Ningi last month was suspended for three months over his allegations that the 2024 budget was padded by over N3 trillion and that the country is operating two budgets.
In the suit number FHC/ABJ/CS/452/2024 filed last Friday at the Federal High Court, Abuja, SERAP is seeking: “an order of mandamus to direct and compel Mr Akpabio to refer the alleged N3.7 trillion budget padding to appropriate anti-corruption agencies for investigation and prosecution of suspected perpetrators.”
SERAP is also seeking: “an order of mandamus to direct and compel Mr Akpabio to immediately take steps to ensure the reinstatement of whistleblower Abdul Ningi who was suspended from the Senate over his allegations that the lawmakers padded the 2024 budget by irregularly inserting projects worth N3.7 trillion.”
SERAP is also seeking: “an order of mandamus to direct and compel Mr Akpabio to put in place transparency and accountability mechanisms to ensure that the trillions of Naira budgeted for constituency projects are not embezzled, misappropriated or diverted into private pockets.”
In the suit, SERAP is arguing that: “Granting this application would serve the public interest, encourage whistleblowers to speak up, improve public services, and ensure transparency and accountability in the management of public resources.”
SERAP is arguing that, “Directing Mr Akpabio to refer these allegations to appropriate anticorruption agencies and to reinstate whistleblower Abdul Ningi would be entirely consistent and compatible with the letter and spirit of the Nigerian Constitution 1999 [as amended] and the country’s international obligations.”
SERAP is also arguing that, “The allegations by Senator Ningi amount to public interest disclosures and can contribute to strengthening transparency and democratic accountability in the Senate in particular and the country as a whole.”
According to SERAP, “Suspension of Senator Ningi by the Senate followed a seriously flawed process and it amounts to retaliation.”
SERAP is also arguing that, “Senator Ningi’s status as a whistleblower is not diminished even if the perceived threat to the public interest has not materialised, since he would seem to have reasonable grounds to believe in the accuracy of the allegations of budget padding and corruption in the Senate.”
The suit filed on behalf of SERAP by its lawyers, Kolawole Oluwadare and Mrs Adelanke Aremo, read in part: “It is in the public interest and the interest of justice to grant this application. No whistleblower should ever be penalised simply for making a public interest disclosure.”
“Directing Mr Akpabio to refer the allegations to appropriate anticorruption agencies would help to address the lingering problem of budget padding and corruption in the implementation of constituency projects.”
“Directing Mr Akpabio to refer the allegations to the Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission (ICPC) and Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) would also ensure probity and accountability in the budget process.”
“Investigating and prosecuting the allegations of budget padding and corruption would end the impunity of perpetrators. It would build trust in democratic institutions with the ultimate aim of strengthening the rule of law.”
“Years of allegations of budget padding and corruption in the implementation of constituency projects have contributed to widespread poverty, underdevelopment and lack of access to public goods and services.”
“Allegations of budget padding and corruption in the implementation of constituency projects have also continued to have negative impacts on the fundamental interests of the citizens in several communities and the public interest.”
“Combating budget padding would improve access of Nigerians to basic public goods and services, and enhance the ability of ministries, departments and agencies to effectively and efficiently discharge their constitutional and statutory responsibilities.”
“Section 15(5) of the Nigerian Constitution requires public institutions to abolish all corrupt practices and abuse of power.”
“Section 16(2) of the Nigerian Constitution further provides that, ‘the material resources of the nation are harnessed and distributed as best as possible to serve the common good.’”
“Section 13 of the Nigerian Constitution imposes clear responsibility on the National Assembly including the Senate to conform to, observe and apply the provisions of Chapter 2 of the constitution.”
“Section 81 of the Nigerian Constitution and sections 13 and 18 of the Fiscal Responsibility Act constrain the ability of the National Assembly to unilaterally insert its own allocations in the budget without following the due process of law.”
“Nigeria has made legally binding commitments under the UN Convention against Corruption to ensure accountability in the management of public resources.”
“Articles 5 and 9 of the UN Convention against Corruption also impose legal obligations on the National Assembly including the Senate to ensure proper management of public affairs and public funds.”
“Article 33 of the Convention requires government institutions including the Senate to ensure the protection of whistleblowers against any unjustified treatment. Granting this application would ensure that these commitments are fully upheld and respected.”
“Senator Ningi is a whistleblower, who is protected under article 33 of the UN Convention against Corruption to which Nigeria is a state party. Senator Ningi is a whistleblower because of his public interest disclosures on alleged budget padding and corruption in the Senate in the context of carrying out his work as Senator.”
“According to our information, Senator Abdul Ningi, the former Chairperson of the Northern Senators Forum (NSF), recently told BBC Hausa that the lawmakers sought the service of a private auditor and discovered irregularities in the budget.”
“Senator Ningi reportedly said, ‘For example, we had a budget of N28 trillion but after our thorough checks, we found out that it was a budget of N25 trillion. How and where did we get the additional N3 trillion from, what are we spending it for?.’”
“According to BudgIT, a total of 7,447 projects culminating in N2.24tn were indiscriminately inserted in the 2024 budget by the National Assembly. 281 projects worth N491bn, and 3,706 projects within the range of N100–500m, worth 759bn were inserted in the budget.”
No date has been fixed for the hearing of the suit.
Kolawole Oluwadare
SERAP Deputy Director
7/04/2024
Lagos, Nigeria
Emails: info@serap-nigeria.org; news@serap-nigeria.org
Twitter: @SERAPNigeria
Website: www.serap-nigeria.org
For more information or to request an interview, please contact us on: +2348160537202